The New Christian Right and the Language of War

This essay explores how rhetoric that divides the world into ‘good’ and ‘bad’—even in defense of faith—risks becoming a form of the very violence it seeks to oppose.

Respect for Charlie Kirk

Due to the sensitive nature of the subject matter I think it’s important to state up front that I have a fond admiration for Charlie Kirk and for how respectably he stood up strong for what he believed in. Of course, this is an opinion I formed of him from others who I admire who were actually his friends, as I never personally followed him or paid much attention to any of his work.

Charlie Kirk supported free speech. I feel like in that spirit he would applaud any discussion on these topics, even if he would disagree with my point of view. I really appreciate the thoughts expressed by Michael Shermer in his commentary, The Assassination of Charlie Kirk: Shermer Reflects on Political Violence. Starting at 26:32 min:

“If you’re not able to articulate your own position enough that the other side can counter it and then you can counter their counter, then you don’t really know your own position. That’s John Stewart Mill’s classic argument – He who knows only his own side of the case hardly knows that. So the value of having the Charlie Kirks of the world engaging with students actually even if they stay liberal or they become more liberal, at least they’ll be rationally liberal. They’ll have arguments, not straw man arguments, but steel man arguments by which I mean they could steel man the conservative position and then if they can refute it how much stronger their position will be… All of us are flawed. The fallibilism assumption is true. We’re all fallible. The only way to find out if you’ve gone off the rails or if you’re wrong is to talk to somebody who disagrees with you, which was what Charlie Kirk did so masterfully.”

Why I Wrote This Article

On Sep 11th, the day after Charlie Kirk was shot, some friends of mine shared a clip of Charlie speaking, where he said:

“[A] Spiritual battle is coming to the West. And the enemies are wokeism or Marxism combining with Islamism, to go after what we call, ‘the American way of life’.

The outgrowth of the scriptures gave us Western civilization. And this is where I think is a great rallying cry. Doesn’t matter if you’re Hispanic, doesn’t matter if you’re Asian, doesn’t matter if you’re black or white. Everybody, if you are Christian and Jesus Christ is your Lord and Savior, these two threats are combining forces to come after us. And it’s time that the church stands and rises up against it.”1

This essay explores how rhetoric that divides the world into ‘good’ and ‘bad’—even in defense of faith—risks becoming a form of the very violence it seeks to oppose.

I Felt Disturbed by Charlie’s Rhetoric

From the perspective of my conservative friends, this rhetoric resonates deeply. I, however, found it troubling—not because I deny that wokeism and Marxism present real threats, or that it doesn’t matter if one is Hispanic or Asian or black or white. I am a Christian and hope to be able to endure all that that sacred title may require of me. I, too, share the longing expressed by Charlie in that brief clip: to build community with fellow Christians in this nation around the principles of liberty. To experience the simple joys of life—marriage, homeownership, raising children, watching them ride their bikes until sunset, and sending them to good schools—all safeguarded by the foundational principles upon which our Constitution was built.

Kirk’s rhetoric unsettled me because it conflicts with principles from Marshall Rosenberg’s Nonviolent Communication (NVC), which I studied extensively (see my previous blog post, Nonviolent Communication and Crucial Conversations.) NVC identifies judgmental language that labels groups as “good” or “bad” as inherently violent, fostering division rather than understanding.

One instructor of the NVC method gives the example of what he called the “John Wayne effect.” In this scenario, if you walk into a bar and meet someone who is a good guy, you buy him a beer. If he’s a bad guy, you either beat him up or shoot him. This kind of programing makes up most of our entertainment, including that intended for children.

“This violence typically constitutes the ‘climax’ of the show. Viewers, having been taught that bad guys deserve to be punished, take pleasure in watching this violence.” (Rosenberg, Marshall. Nonviolent Communication: A Language of Life: Life-Changing Tools for Healthy Relationships, p. 17-18)

As with any good skill, the practice of learning to apply the principals of nonviolent communication requires effort. For those of us who seek to invite a true spirit of compassion and understanding into an increasingly divided world, such skills are imperative. I invite the reader to consider learning more about Rosenberg’s model of nonviolent communication.

With these ideas in mind, watch the Charlie Kirk clip above and consider this question: does Charlie identify any “bad guys” in his rhetoric? To the extent that his words suggest judgment or assign blame, this reflects the kind of language that Marshall Rosenberg describes as “violent” in his book.

A New Christian Right

To understand why this rhetoric troubles me, it helps to look at how similar frameworks have appeared across the political spectrum.

Another reason I found this clip disturbing relates to an article published by American Reformer, an online magazine founded in 2021 by Josh Abbotoy and Timon Cline. The publication describes its mission as promoting “a vigorous Christian approach to the cultural challenges of our day,” and it often aligns with post-liberal and Christian nationalist perspectives that critique classical liberalism in favor of a more authoritarian, faith-infused political order.

It’s not an article I would recommend; in fact, I found it rather disheartening. For reference, you can read it here:

The Liberal Consensus and the New Christian Right

The Hoax

What makes this article noteworthy is that it contains the same kind of rhetoric Charlie uses in the clip I referenced earlier. The key point, however, is that this piece was actually submitted to American Reformer as a hoax by James Lindsay — an atheist author and vocal critic of “woke” ideologies. Lindsay rewrote sections of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ Communist Manifesto (1848), substituting Marxist terms such as “bourgeoisie” and “proletarians” with Christian nationalist equivalents like “liberal establishment” and “true Christian Right.” He retained the original’s rhetorical structure and even adapted its famous opening line to read: “A rising spirit is haunting America: the spirit of a true Christian Right.” The essay, submitted under the pseudonym Marcus Carlson, called for a revolutionary “New Christian Right” to overthrow liberal elites — directly mirroring the Manifesto’s call for proletarian uprising.

The Editors’ Response

American Reformer published the piece on November 13, 2024, titled “The Liberal Consensus and the New Christian Right”. After Lindsay revealed the hoax on X (formerly Twitter) on December 3, 2024, the editors updated the byline to credit Lindsay explicitly, added a note acknowledging the Marxian origins (“The following article was written by James Lindsay, who, as an avowed atheist, is not eligible for publication in American Reformer“), and kept it online. They described it as an “exploitation of our high-trust approach” but stood by its non-Marxist elements, announcing stricter editorial screening.

The article portrays liberals as an oppressive class suppressing Christian values, urging a “rising Christian Right” to seize power through cultural and political revolution. Lindsay later explained this exposed how “Woke Right” rhetoric adopts Marxist conflict theory (oppressors vs. oppressed) but swaps class struggle for religious-cultural warfare.

Lindsay’s Motivation

Lindsay has long been a vocal critic of “wokeness,” even likening it to a form of religious belief, and has described the Social Justice Movement as his “ideological enemy.” So why is he now targeting what’s being called the “woke right”? Lindsay argues that his goal is to keep conservatism from being hijacked by the same vices it once opposed, such as seeing society as divided into oppressed/oppressor groups and justifying extreme measures to dismantle “unjust” systems.

Though he opposed Donald Trump in the 2016 United States presidential election, Lindsay announced his intention to vote for Trump in the 2020 election, arguing that the danger of “wokeness” is much greater than that of a Trump presidency.

Lindsay considered Charlie Kirk a great friend. Even though he does not believe in God, Lindsay was invited to speak at Turning Point USA more than once because of the importance of his message on the dangers of “wokeness”. (See Lindsay’s interview with Allie Beth Stuckey, around 8 min)

Marxixm on the Left vs Marxism on the Right

In the clip that I started this article with above, Charlie associates wokeism with Marxism. He says:

“[A] spiritual battle is coming to the West. And the enemies are wokeism or Marxism combining with Islamism, to go after what we call, ‘the American way of life’.”

In this, Charlie was not wrong—the threat of wokeism on the left does draw from Marxist ideology. But does responding in kind—by adopting Marxist frameworks or tactics to combat what some perceive as leftist threats—make the approach from the right any less destructive or “violent”?

One of Charlie Kirk’s lasting contributions was his commitment to open debate. I must admit that I have not spent extensive time studying his discussions with college students or his broader body of work. As I write this, it has been three weeks since Charlie’s assassination, and much of my free time since then has been devoted to gathering my thoughts for this reflection, inspired by the brief 1-minute and 15-second clip at the start of this article. Spending additional hours analyzing his debate style would only draw focus away from the core message I hope to convey here.

If what we celebrate in Charlie’s work is his commitment to open, constructive, and nonviolent dialogue, then let this example remind us of the same. As we engage in difficult conversations, may we do so with the intent to foster understanding and kindness—even toward those with whom we profoundly disagree.

Consider one simple example. I recently came across this meme on my Facebook feed, and it left me feeling agitated:

“When George Floyd died they burned down cities.
When Charlie Kirk died we host vigils.
We are not the same.”

Ask yourself—does this kind of rhetoric promote nonviolence and compassion, or does it instead fuel the dangerous fire of polarization and hostility? If we truly desire peace, how can we learn to discourage, rather than feed, the language of violence?

Mark Jurgensmeyer explored how religion and violence seems to be so often linked together in his book Terror in the Mind of God. He notes:

“What puzzles me is not why bad things are done by bad people, but rather why bad things are done by people who otherwise appear to be good – in cases of religious terrorism, by pious people dedicated to a moral vision of the world.” (Terror in the Mind of God. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, p. 7.)

It is no less violent when Marxist tactics are used to turn the right against the left than when those same tactics are used to turn the left against the right.

As Christians, I believe we are called to do better.

Joseph Smith gave sound counsel when he said:

“If you do not accuse each other, God will not accuse you. If you have no accuser you will enter heaven, and if you will follow the revelations and instructions which God gives you through me, I will take you into heaven as my back load. If you will not accuse me, I will not accuse you. If you will throw a cloak of charity over my sins, I will over yours—for charity covereth a multitude of sins.” (History of the Church, 4:445)

Satan’s accusations against us are not said to be unwarranted or unsupported. He is not necessarily accusing his victims unjustly. If any of us were measured against an absolute standard of obedience, faithfulness, or virtue, we would all necessarily fail. Satan does not need to use an unfair standard to accuse and condemn us. (all have sinned and fall short – Rom 3:23)

When we take it upon ourselves to condemn others, we risk mirroring the spirit of accusation rather than Christ’s call to forgiveness. What Christ has asked us to do is forgive, or as Joseph put it, not to accuse each other.

Doesn’t The Book of Mormon Contain a Lot of Violence?

The Book of Mormon comes into this era with the longest and most robust scriptural treatment of violence of any other scriptural record, including the Koran. The numerous “war chapters” of the Book of Mormon provide us with greater instruction on this subject than any other single source of God’s word on violence.

If Christ’s message is one of peace and forgiveness, why does the Book of Mormon—which claims to be a special witness of Christ—contain so much violence? Moroni answers this question by giving us this chilling warning:

“Any nation that upholds such secret conspiracies, to get power and wealth, until they spread throughout the nation, will be destroyed. … Therefore, you Gentiles, it’s God’s wisdom for you to be shown these things, so you’ll repent of your sins and not allow these murderous conspiracies, that are always set up for power and money, to control you, so that you won’t provoke your own destruction. Indeed, the sword of the justice of the Eternal God will fall upon you, to your ruin and destruction, if you allow these things to continue. Therefore the Lord commands you, when you see these things come among you, to wake up to a sense of your awful situation because of this secret society that’s come into existence among you. Woe to this conspiracy on account of the blood of those who have been killed; they cry out from the dust for vengeance upon it, and upon those who make and support it.” (Ether 3:18, Covenant of Christ Edition)

Marxism in the Book of Mormon?

In the Book of Mormon we read an account of a city that was completely destroyed by Lamanites in a single day. “[I]n the eleventh year of reign of judges… on the fifth day of second month”, the city of Ammonihah is destroyed by Lamanites. (Alma 16:1-2). These Lamanites were mostly Amlicites and Amulonites2 who were after the order of Nehor (Alma 21:4). The people of the city of Ammonihah were also after the order of Nehor (Alma 16:11).

For those familiar with the story, it is interesting to note that the native Lamanites who were killing the people of Anti-Nephi-Lehi end up joining the people of God (Alma 24:25-26), but the Amlicites and Amulonites, who were native Nephites that had rejected Christ, end up destroying those of their own Nehor belief in Ammonihah.

Nehor is introduced in Alma 1. He advocated priestcraft, where priests should be paid and supported by the people rather than laboring for themselves (Alma 1:3). He taught that all will be saved, denying the need for repentance, which contradicts the Nephite prophets’ teachings about Christ’s atonement and accountability (Alma 1:4). When he was confronted by Gideon who stood up against his teachings, Nehor attempted to enforce his teachings through violence by killing Gideon with the sword (Alma 1:9).

Nehor’s brief but impactful presence establishes a pattern of apostasy and priestcraft that challenges Nephite society throughout the Book of Alma.

I wouldn’t argue that the teachings of Nehor can necessarily be classified as Marxist. However, in the context of this article, it’s worth noting that both Nehor’s teachings and Marxism share a similar tendency: they divide people into opposing groups and set them against one another. Throughout the Book of Alma, the followers of Nehor repeatedly attempt to impose their beliefs through both violent language and violent acts.

Can We Make Room for Faith and Nonviolence?

In my personal journal from an entry in Aug of 2020, I confided in a co-worker with this lament:

“Am I being too idealistic? Since the beginning of this world, all the major prophesies point to us in our day. We are physically living in the time where Zion is supposed to come before the end of all things, and here we sit – where Enoch and Melchizedek had the faith to stop the mouths of lions, quench the violence of fire, have the dead restored back to life, etc. – and we are relying on the 2nd Amendment and our guns to save us?”

The violence of today is another sign along the downward trek into corruption that will mirror the days of Noah (Matt 24:37-39). It will eventually become more widespread. So much so that there will be a single place, alone and apart from the anger and corruption that leads to violence:

“And it shall come to pass among the wicked that every man that will not take his sword against his neighbor must needs flee unto Zion for safety, and there shall be gathered unto it out of every nation under heaven, and it shall be the only people that shall not be at war one with another.” (D&C 45:68-69)

If Charlie Kirk’s legacy is one of bold conviction, may ours be one of courageous compassion — the willingness to confront division without replicating its violence.

  1. The source of the video short clip is an X (formerly Twitter) post by Charlie Kirk (@charliekirk11) from August 13, 2025 (Post ID: 1955752635971330419). The full speech is from a Turning Point USA Faith “Freedom Night” live event on August 13, 2025. ↩︎
  2. The book of Mormon identifies the two groups as “Amalekites and the Amulonites.” (see Alma 21:4 and 24:1). Royal Skousen argues in his Analysis of Textual Variants of the Book of Mormon (Part Three, pp. 1605–1609) that the Amalekites referenced later in the Book of Alma (e.g., Alma 21:2–3) were the same group as the Amlicites (followers of the Nephite dissenter Amlici from Alma 2–3), with the difference arising from scribal spelling inconsistencies in the original and printer’s manuscripts. I adopt Skousen’s view. ↩︎

Black Lives Matter

While I embrace using the slogan to show my love and support for black lives, we should recognize that not all who wave the banner “Black Lives Matter” are on the same page with what they mean when they say it.

Being a peacemaker at heart, and deeply disturbed by the anger and animosity on display in protests and riots in current and recent news, I was inspired by this Facebook post by songwriter John Stringer:

What if sharing #blacklivesmatter was a way to say “I love you” to the slaves that built this country but were never thanked? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were a way to say “thank you” to those who gave their lives to bring equality in human relationships, in civil rights, in education and economic opportunity? #blacklivesmatter

What if simply acknowledging #blacklivesmatter was one way to send love to the black ancestors and their descendant – the current generations; a way to say thank you for being the glorious children of God that you are and have always been? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were a simple way to support and encourage the descendants of those who were dehumanized, oppressed, demonized, lynched and murdered just for being black? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were a way to show unity, acknowledging that black lives deserve the same care and respect as ALL LIVES? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were a simple way to shift the collective consciousness of this world by shining a light of love and VALUE on something that has been systematiclly devalued, both consciously and unconsciously, intentionally and unintentionally? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were a way to put ointment on a wound that takes the collective love of humanity to heal? #blacklivesmatter

What if it were all of this and more just by you choosing it to be?

In this moment, that is exactly what it means to me. #blacklivesmatter

#limitlessloveandlight

The use of one simple slogan to say so much is an idea I happily embrace. Many who are unfamiliar with the history of what has been termed “anti-blackness” in America may be tempted to add “only” to the beginning of the slogan “Black Lives Matter”. And then dismiss it by responding with “All Lives Matter”. What the Black Lives Matter movement spends a lot of time trying to get people to understand is they are not saying that only blacks matter, but that blacks matter equally as much as all other lives. Instead of adding “only” to the front of the slogan, they suggest we add “too” to the end of it. I like the example one person gave by asking, “Do people who change #BlackLivesMatter to #AllLivesMatter run thru a cancer fundrasier going ‘THERE ARE OTHER DISEASES TOO’?”

Last year on my return trip home from visiting my daughter in Washington state, I made this note in my journal:
“I saw a red haired white man sitting across from me at the airport while I was waiting for my flight. He was wearing a shirt that said, ‘All Lives Don’t Matter Until Black Lives Matter’. Regardless of what I may think of the statement, I admired how he apparently cares about others outside his own race. What a beautiful sentiment. God bless him!”

“question

When used in this way, I agree with and readily embrace the idea the slogan Black Lives Matter promotes. On the other hand, showing support for the organization Black Lives Matter Foundation, Inc is an entirely different thing altogether for me.

The Problem with Fighting Evil

From their About page (blacklivesmatter.com):

Black Lives Matter Foundation, Inc is a global organization in the US, UK, and Canada, whose mission is to eradicate white supremacy and build local power to intervene in violence inflicted on Black communities by the state and vigilantes.

Browsing their site you will find statements encouraging a fight to “combat anti-Black racism across the globe“, create “a world free of anti-Blackness“, and “whose mission is to eradicate white supremacy“. The founders state, “We have fought like hell for our freedom and we will continue to fight like hell.”

“What on earth is wrong with any of that?” you say.

While I admit there is much good in these as ideals, I would respond with the same line of reasoning I used three years ago to question the value in fighting against porn. There seems to be something inherently wrong with attempting to eradicate evil. Ask yourself, doesn’t fighting against something, still encourage fighting?

I love this quote from Mother Teresa, “I was once asked why I don’t participate in anti-war demonstrations. I said that I will never do that, but as soon as you have a pro-peace rally, I’ll be there.”

Is it better to hate war, or love peace?

When you institutionalize a fight against evil, the organization becomes a machine that takes on a life of its own. Like wolves in nature that never fully consume the stock of prey it feeds on because it relies on it for its survival, the engine of the institution requires the resource that fuels it. In the case of “Black Lives Matter Foundation, Inc”, that resource appears to be anger and racism.

Quoting from my post from three years ago:

Something about capitalizing on fighting against anything “bad” makes me tend to question motives (“non-profit” doesn’t mean that nobody is profiting from it). I’m reminded of the documentary, Pink Ribbons Inc., Capitalizing on Hope.
“The film documents how some companies use pink ribbon-related marketing to increase sales while contributing only a small fraction of proceeds to the cause, or use “pinkwashing” to improve their public image while manufacturing products that may be carcinogenic.”
(wikipedia article, Pink Ribbons Inc.)

I believe it is the nature of institutions to take on a life of their own. Over time they tend to protect themselves and fight to survive just like any other living thing. In the case of Fight The New Drug, for example, if any solution emerged that could actually eliminate porn, it would threaten the life of the organization. There are people whose livelihoods depend on the existence of the organization, and, because it’s mission is to fight against it, the organization requires the existence of porn in order to survive. (Perhaps Mother Teresa really does make a good point)

The story of the March of Dimes gives a better example of what happens when an organization, whose mission was to find a cure for polio, struggled to survive after the cure was found.
“In his book Essentials of Sociology: A Down-to-Earth Approach, sociologist Professor James M. Henslin describes March of Dimes as a bureaucracy that has taken on a life of its own through a classic example of a process called goal displacement. Faced with redundancy after Jonas Salk discovered the polio vaccine, it adopted a new mission, ‘fighting birth defects’, which was recently changed to a vaguer goal of “breakthrough for babies”, rather than disbanding.”
Greenwald, Howard P. (2007). Organizations: Management Without Control. Sage Publications, Inc. p. 369. (reference given in wikipedia)

What I am NOT saying when I say Black Lives Matter

While I embrace using the slogan to show my love and support for black lives, we should recognize that not all who wave the banner “Black Lives Matter” are on the same page with what they mean when they say it. What I do NOT embrace is the use of the slogan to promote an agenda that would turn the tables on oppression.

Nothing exemplifies this better than the controversy at Evergreen State University in March 2017 involving Bret Weinstein . He was a professor of biology at the time, but as a result of the events that took place there, Weinstein has since resigned. The story of Evergreen has important implications to what we see happening in the Black Lives Matter movement today, and I encourage the reader to research it more. For the purposes of this article I will only highlight some relevant points. Bret describes himself as a progressive.

“I lean left BIG TIME,” Bret explains. Then later he laments over the overt display of aggression witnessed on the Evergreen campus:

“The issue here is that the mere thought — the skeptic mindset — is being criticized… Since when is rejecting skepticism universal and acceptable? It seems identical to extreme right wing regimes, but should not be the case in liberal democracies.
Liberal minds simply cannot act this way… It needs to be okay to disagree on political matters and still remain to be civil with one another. That is what we should expect from a democracy.”

The Controversy of Bret Weinstein Explained — The Evergreen Scandal, Jakub Ferencik, Jan 8, 2018, Noteworthy – The Journal Blog

In a May 2018 speech to Students For Liberty conference in Vancouver, B.C., Brett remarked:

Were it the objective of this social justice movement to confront the much more difficult problems and to confront them at the full level of nuance, I would be interested in seeing those problems addressed. But I cannot sign up with a movement that is attacking those people who have come the greatest distance toward creating an equitable situation.

So what is it that this movement is actually trying to achieve? Now remember I’m arguing that there are actually two groups embedded in one movement. One of those groups is really hoping to achieve some kind of equality. Hopefully they’re pursuing equality of opportunity not equality of result. But nonetheless, equality is something I would guess everybody in the room here would sign up for as an ideal that would be worth pursuing. But then there’s the other faction. The faction that I’m arguing is actually driving the agenda of the movement. What do they want? Well it’s very uncomfortable, and in fact I got into big trouble for tweeting that the movement at Evergreen was actually involved in achieving black supremacy. Now it’s interesting, I must have been challenged 20 times over having used the term “black supremacy”. Not once did anybody tell me that that was not what they had seen unfolding during the protest at Evergreen. They told me effectively that that was an impolite term for it. But we had all seen it. We had all seen the circumstance where people would walk into a room and they would say, the food, the chairs, the water – That’s not for white people. If you’re a white person, stand in the back, don’t sit in the chairs, don’t eat the food. This was actually said out loud. So in some sense it’s undeniable that what was being pursued was a kind of supremacy. My feeling is I’m against any kind of supremacy. I would like to see everybody have access to the means to get ahead through achievement. I don’t want to see any population advantaged in any population disadvantaged. So I’m “anti supremacy”. And that means that I have to be offended – if I’m to be consistent with that principle, I have to be offended when any population seeks supremacy over everybody else. Nonetheless we find ourselves trapped in a situation where we can’t even use the terms that naturally apply.

Bret Weinstein, How the Magic Trick is Done, starting at 29:09 min

If the intent is to encourage diversity and inclusion in our society, then any suppression of speech, even if it’s in an effort to temper disagreements, will be counter-intuitive to the very objectives we are trying to promote. As President Obama said:

“[E]fforts to restrict speech can become a tool to silence critics, or oppress minorities… the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression, it is more speech.”

President Obama’s speech to the UN general assembly – full transcript Delivered to the UN in New York on 25 September 2012

In other words, it seems to me that in an effort to create a peaceful environment, it’s possible that an attempt to suppress conflict can engender a climate where people feel unsafe, rather than feeling safe, in expressing their views. I’ve recently become aware of something known as the shame of white silence, often embodied in phrases like “white silence equals white consent” or “white silence is violence”. The best way to ensure that people feel empowered to speak up, express their concerns, and try to understand others, is to allow for the expression of tolerant views, even if those views may offend or give insult to others.

In a speech given at TEDWomen 2018, Eldra Jackson gives an excellent example of how this kind of open and empowered expression of views is a powerful benefit. In his speech, Eldra attributes “24 years of a life sentence in prison for kidnapping, robbery, and attempted murder” on “a disease that has come to be known as toxic masculinity.” See Eldra Jackson – TED Women 2018, How to break the cycle of toxic masculinity. (starting at :38 min mark.)

Eldra found a cure through Inside Circle, an organization founded by Patrick Nolan to combat gang violence in the prison yard. Through an exercise called Circle Time — “men sitting with men and cutting through the bullshit and challenging structural ways of thinking” — Jackson learned that “characteristics usually defined as weaknesses are parts of the whole, healthy man.” It is because men can share candidly and openly without worrying if their words might offend that the program was able to make such impact in these men’s lives. Yet in our our society today this type of environment seems to be harshly discouraged rather than encouraged. It’s as if we’re saying that it’s OK for a bunch of men in a prison yard to be thrown into a situation where brutal honesty can bring reconciliation and healing, but we can’t allow it in society where some minority might be offended?

We may give lip service to ideas of exploring our differences in a safe, positive and nurturing environment, but how do we implement them in fairness to everyone when we place higher value on “not offending” over tolerance? Tolerance requires disagreement. Insisting on agreement is not tolerance, but its opposite.

The subject of free speech and safe spaces on college campuses was the topic of Bret Weinstein’s testimony given to congress on May 22, 2018. In his testimony Bret explained that the crisis isn’t primarily about free speech, and won’t be limited to college campuses for long.

Where others may suggest the culprits of injustice and inequality are an authoritarian wealthy class of elite masters of the global economy, Bret’s investigation of his experiences at Evergreen leads him to conclude the true culprits are not so easily identified.

“Am I alleging a conspiracy? No. What I have seen functions much more like a cult in which the purpose is only understood by the leaders, and the rest have been seduced into a carefully architected fiction. Most of the people involved in this movement earnestly believe that they are acting nobly to end oppression. Only the leaders understand that the true goal is to turn the tables of oppression. Something is seriously and dangerously amiss. At this moment in history the center does not hold. Partisan polarization and political corruption have rendered government ineffective, predatory, and often cruelly indifferent to the suffering of American citizens. Tribalism is the natural result.”

Bret Weinstein Testifies to Congress on The Evergreen State College riots, Free Speech & Safe Spaces